Wednesday, June 29, 2016

I Tumble Down


A tumble, a mumble, a crash and a bang,

I tumble down.

I fall, I feel, I fight, I need, I hang,

Tumbling down to the ground.

A friend, a love, a giant kind hug,

Can ease the pain of the pound.

A flash, a wiz, a whir, a blur, and a new drug,

I feel age now on the ground.

A jolt, a shock, a play on my stock,

What happened? I have become round.

My life, my all, my being is moving, going to the flock,

Not yet time to be interred in the ground.

Realize, compromise, argue and cajole,

An old body to make it go, go, go…

Or give up, give out and give in,

And become ground fearfully in the end?

I think I feel, I am you are,

I will not Tumble down, but tumble up to the nearest Star…

We all go to ground, we all will…

Tumble Down…

Friday, February 26, 2016

Mosquito Empires



In the coming paper we shall explore a few questions in depth based on the reading in, “Mosquito Empires: Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean 1620-1914.” by J.R. McNeill. The first of the questions to tackle in this paper is; how Yellow Fever and Malaria made their way to the western hemisphere? The second question would be; why did Yellow Fever and Malaria flourish after 1640? The final two questions are more militarily based; what impact did these diseases have on the military history of the Americas and what are the “herd immunities” and what impact did they have on the wars and revolutions in the Americas between 1740 and 1898? The intention is to answer based on writing from the book, and some of an interview based on said book with Professor McNeill.


Throughout “The Argument” and “Part I Setting the Scene”, there is an explanation of how the Malaria parasitic protozoan and the Yellow Fever virus made their way to the “Americas” between the northern Brazilian coasts in South America and South Carolina in North America. To distill the general idea down to a few sentences, it can be said that since Spain was the first out of the gate for the most part to try and navigate and set up trade in various parts of the globe, they were the first to meet and suffer from these illnesses on a large scale. However, those who did survive these illnesses, especially if caught and survived in childhood were more likely than not it seems to develop a resistance if not immunity to these horrible diseases, thus setting themselves up to be able to venture into and live with parasites and the vectors (mosquitoes) that killed those with lesser experience in mass when they came into contact with the same diseases. The Spanish were some of the first people to make contact with Yellow Fever through the Slave Trade in West Africa and the Aedes Aegypti vector that delivered this virus and also made contact with protozoan infected female Anopheles mosquito which carried Malaria. The diseases made their way to the western hemisphere by way of cargo, whether it was the “chattel” that were already infected, or the on board vectors who had stowed away in fresh water barrels. Long tightly packed voyages made it an easy spread for either disease. By the time some ships made their way to the Americas, they had lost over half of the people on board to disease. However, these early trips with infected people and getting the infection early on in global travel set the Spanish up with the advantage of resistance once so many people had suffered the illnesses and made it through alive. If they could make it through the “Vomito” in the “Place Spaniards are sent to die” then they probably would have a resistance to the disease. The Spanish had many losses early in Africa and the Americas, but as the numbers of people with resistance grew, it gave them a distinct advantage over those who came from dryer, cooler and higher latitudinal areas of the world. Once the ecology had been set up with storage wells for water, places leveled and deforested for Rice and Sugar, and tributaries or pools set up for keeping “fresh” water around for agriculture, the imported Mosquito vector had only to find hosts amongst the many arrivals, and those newly arrived to continue the diseases’ cycles for the long haul.


The next question of why after 1640 did these diseases seem so virulent requires a little more in depth analysis. From the book’s description the Spanish had set up shop in the Americas and had time to become resistant to the diseases. The Spanish lost as many people as anyone during the 1500’s, but Creoles, natural born Spaniards to the Americas and mixtures with Africans developed hearty resistances from these diseases over time, and gave the Spanish an almost unfair advantage when it came to “waiting out the invaders” for the rains. Once the rains fell it was in very short order that new vectors were produced, and many generations could be hatched in quick succession and carry the diseases amongst all island inhabitants. It seems after 1640 is when the raids, sieges and more than ever “fresh” arrivals with no resistance at all came to the area looking for plunder and or to take over Spanish lands. The Spanish knew with fortifications and light armaments they could basically wait out the invaders whether English, French, Scottish, Dutch or any other northern latitudinal peoples by simply “holding on long enough for rain” (a point made ad-naseum in the first several chapters). Or, if the invaders were unfortunate enough to come during a rain, lock up the fort, and wait the required two or so weeks to see an attacking force fall by half in ranks. Maybe even sink a few of your own boats to trap the invaders in the bay with the “bad climate” and wait for them all to die aboard ship. The first example would be the Scotts at Darien in 1698 and 1699. Due to starvation and other ills during the 1690’s in their homelands, many Scotts helped the crown try to create a colony at Darien (New Edinburgh) in the southern end of Central America. They were forbidden to trade, but saw others getting rich doing so. The nation who had only to obey eight of the Ten Commandments because they had nothing to covet or steal had a champion by the name of William Patterson. He had been to the West Indies as a youngster, and thought he knew of the “key to the universe” for England if he would be allowed to take a group with him and open a trade post in Darien for the crown. Using Lionel Wafer’s manuscript speaking of gold and riches to be had, they tried to make a deal to better the bonds of union to the British kingdom. Five ships set sail in 1698 with 175 cannon and 1,200 men aboard.  A few died during the trip, but Scotland was in such a bad state that even the ship notes said more probably would have died if they stayed home. They arrived in the perfect November time, or off season for bugs. They saw much forest, many animals and plant life as well as getting along with the native populations. They thought it was a great place to be. They set up a fort of sorts, fresh water and a place to defend and had full intentions of starting a trade with the natives and who ever would trade. They were attacked by the Spanish and fended them off well only losing a few men in battle. By late 1698 ten a day were dying of some disease or another. By June of 1699, things looked badly as the king had said no more dealing with the Scotts, and left them to their own. By the time another voyage had set sail to help, it seemed abandoned and left. Then the new arrivals caught diseases and died at the same pace and the Scotts gave it up. History repeated itself when the rains came and people started dying.


The next example could be the French at Kourou, a small town in Guyana where the Kourou River meets the Atlantic. From 1763 to 1765 it was the scene of the most deadly attempt to colonize the Americas up to that date. Many attempts were made to inhabit this area by Dutch, English and French, but most fell ill to the varying diseases that plagued the area. By 1700, some 30,000 people were there, but by 1800 it was a paltry 2,000 living souls. Few people came, and the live birth rate was far below the death rate, so without a new influx of people to live there, it quickly lost most inhabitants. By 1749 it was considered a backwater hole and an official report stated Guyana had made “little progress since its inception and consisting of an inept group of derelict colonists, has generally been a curse to the King”. Plenty to eat by way of natural game, fish and plants, but with tide marshes and wet lands abounding due to natural and ecological changes, it was the perfect place for vectors to set up and make hay of the people who tried to settle the area.


Finally a look at herd immunities and the impact on wars and revolutions in the Americas between 1740 and 1898 is in order. From 1739, as war approached in Cartagena, the Spanish were sure their fortifications could hold against attack. They had used limestone to shore up the walls, set up batteries in the harbor and approaches to the harbor. Spanish defenses were built in steps to ensure they had retreat ability but would show a slow get away or evacuation as a plan to keep their adversaries on the low lands and in the Mosquito infested areas of the region thus letting illness defend their land for them. The men who defended Cartagena not known as the best fighting force had one major factor in their favor… length of time in country and being a mixture of races that had developed immunities to the various diseases that struck this area often. This is the predicate to Herd Immunities. The more people in theater for the Mosquito to choose from, the more likely it would bite an already immune host, therefore passing up the newly arriving host who had no immunity built up. Put the fact the British left port months later than expected for this journey and you could easily see how they arrived just in time for the rains and the arrival of new Mosquitos to spread diseases within the troops who had little by way of immunity. Disease started within the first few days of the British landing and over a short period of time cause strife within ranks, between commanders, killed a few commanders and nearly leveled the entire British force by taking around 8,000 men or “roughly ¾ of the men died” as Colonel Burnard wrote. By 1781, Cornwallis was sent to New York, and wrote back, “I submit to your Excellency’s consideration whether it worthwhile to hold a sickly defensive post in this bay” because he knew the shores of the Chesapeake were very heavy with Malaria. By July 17th, just two months after arriving in the area, he was losing men to sickness and asking Clinton for backup, and Clinton was doing the same of him. Neither seemed able to keep a healthy force long enough to sustain attacks in any southern region of the United States. Even Dr. Jackson noted that the British forces couldn’t remain healthy long enough to fight, and the Hessians were averse to the Cinchona Bark that helped so many, and suffered greatly as a result.


In closing, it seems that the beginning of Globalization gave the Americas a few diseases and vectors which made conquering the area a nearly insurmountable task, especially when one group gained such an early foothold in the area who also acquired resistance to Malaria and Yellow Fever. However, as each new group came, and more and more lived through fevers and diseases, natural herd immunities built up in those who were able to stay long enough to establish themselves in the new lands. These immunities helped the Spanish, and natural born “Colonists” put up good fights in their time. The Colonists succeeded where the others failed, but all were affected by the Mosquito Empire.